ings us at once to the heart
of some of the controversies raised in 1815 and onwards. "Room," said Mr.
Asquith--agreeing in this matter with Mr. Winston Churchill--"room must be
found, and kept, for the independent existence and the free development of
the smaller nationalities, each with a corporate consciousness of its
own." Now this is a plain issue which every one can understand. Not only
did we go to war in order to help a small nationality--Belgium--but the
very principle of nationality is one of the familiar phrases which have
characterised British policy through the greater part of the nineteenth
century. Our principle is to live and let live, to allow smaller states to
exist and thrive by the side of their large neighbours without undue
interference on the part of the latter. Each distinct nationality is to
have its voice, at all events, in the free direction of its own future.
And, above all, its present and future position must be determined not by
the interests of the big Powers, but by a sort of plebiscite of the whole
nationality.

SOME PLAIN ISSUES

Applying such principles to Europe as it exists to-day, and as it is
likely to exist to-morrow, we arrive at certain very definite conclusions.
The independence of Belgium must be secured, so also must the independence
of Holland and Denmark. Alsace and Lorraine must, if the inhabitants so
wish, be restored to France, and there can be little doubt that Alsace at
all events will be only too glad to resume her old allegiance to the
French nation. The Duchies of Schleswig-Holstein must also decide whether
they would like to be reunited to Denmark. And we are already aware that
the Tsar has promised to give independence to the country of Poland--a
point which forms a curious analogy with the same offer originally
proposed by the Tsar's ancestor, Alexander I. Of course, these do not
exhaust by any means the changes that must be forthcoming. Finland will
have to be liberated; those portions of Transylvania which are akin to
Roumania must be allowed to gravitate towards their own stock. Italy must
arrogate to herself--if she is wise enough to join her forces with those
of the Triple Entente--those territories which come under the general
title of "unredeemed Italy"--the Trentino and Trieste, to say nothing of
what Italy claims on the Adriatic littoral. Possibly the greatest changes
of all will take place in reference to the Slavs. Servia and Montenegro
will clearl