. But the weakness for a long
time past of international law, from the time of Grotius onwards, is that
it apparently has no real sanction. How are we to punish an offending
state? It can only be done by the gradual development of a public
conscience in Europe, and by means of definite agreements so that the rest
of the civilised world shall compel a recalcitrant member to abide by the
common decrees. If only this common will of Europe ever came into
existence, we should have solved most, if not all, our troubles. But the
question is: How?

A HUNDRED YEARS AGO

It may be depressing, but it certainly is an instructive lesson to go back
just a hundred years ago, when the condition of Europe was in many
respects similar to that which prevails now. The problems that unrolled
themselves before the nations afford useful points of comparison. The
great enemy was then Napoleon and France. Napoleon's views of empire were
precisely of that universal predatory type which we have learnt to
associate with the Kaiser and the German Empire. The autocratic rule of
the single personal will was weighing heavily on nearly every quarter of
the globe. Then came a time when the principle of nationality, which
Napoleon had everywhere defied, gradually grew in strength until it was
able to shake off the yoke of the conqueror. In Germany, and Spain, and
Italy the principle of nationality steadily grew, while in England there
had always been a steady opposition to the tyranny of Napoleon on the
precise ground that it interfered with the independent existence of
nations. The defeat of Napoleon, therefore, was hailed by our forefathers
a hundred years ago as the dawn of a new era. Four great Powers--Great
Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia--had before them as their task the
settlement of Europe, one of the noblest tasks that could possibly be
assigned to those who, having suffered under the old regime, were desirous
to secure peace and base it on just and equitable foundations. There is
thus an obvious parallelism between the conditions of affairs in 1815 and
those which will, as we hope, obtain if and when the German tyrant is
defeated and the nations of Europe commence their solemn task of
reconstituting Europe. Of course, we must not press the analogy too far.
The dawn of a new era might have been welcomed in 1815, but the proviso
was always kept in the background that most of the older traditions should
be preserved. Diplomacy was still