." But it was over the
return of Mr. Miles that the storm raged most. The excuse is made that
"the fault of Mr. Miles's return (assuming that it is a fault) lies with
the electors who returned him, and not with the system under which his
return was accomplished.... Once grant that a section of Hobart electors
have the right to select for their representative whom they choose, and
it would seem that the Hare system must be held free of all
responsibility for the return of Mr. Miles." But this is precisely what
cannot be granted for a moment, as we have endeavoured to show. The
assertion is made that Mr. Miles would have been returned as easily
under the old system, but this is not a fact. He polled only one-eighth
of the votes, so that, even supposing that his supporters were twice as
strong in a single electorate, he would have had only one-fourth of the
votes. It is safe to say, from the small proportion of second and third
preferences which he secured, that if the Block Vote had been adopted he
would have been at the bottom of the poll. Commenting on these results,
the _Argus_ declares that the Hare system does not pretend to reform or
guide the people. Very likely not! But is it not quite evident that it
has the opposite effect?

Is it too much to say that, if the Hobart experiment be persevered with,
the ultimate tendency will be the return of six members, each acceptable
to one-sixth of the electors, and obnoxious to the other five-sixths?
It is quite obvious already that the usual party lines are entirely
disregarded.

+Professor Commons.+--The best book on the subject yet published is the
"Proportional Representation" of John E. Commons, Professor of Sociology
in Syracuse University, U.S. Its great merit is that the political and
social bearings of the reform are fully treated. Professor Commons
rejects the Hare system in favour of the Free List system. He
writes:--"The Hare system is advocated by those who, in a too
_doctrinaire_ fashion, wish to abolish political parties. They
apparently do not realize the impossibility of acting in politics
without large groupings of individuals." He makes a great step in
advance of the disciples of Mr. Hare in recognizing that the
proportional principle should be applied to parties, and not to
individuals, and he even defines parties correctly as being based "not
altogether on sectional divisions, but on social and economic problems
of national scope;" but, unfortunately, h