ion of legislation. It is to be feared that this
would hardly realize the idea of responsible leadership. Mr. Bradford
establishes a chain of responsibility by the fact that the ministers are
responsible to the President and the President is responsible to the
people; but that is a very different thing to the continual
responsibility of the cabinet to a majority of the legislature. It is
probable that the President's ministers would have to encounter the
opposition of a majority in one or both Houses, and it is difficult to
see how a deadlock could be avoided. Mr. Bradford contemplates that the
people would settle any issues which arise between the two branches at
the end of the Presidential term of four years; but it is just as likely
that there would then be a new President in any case. We are driven to
the conclusion, therefore, that responsible leadership is incompatible
with the American system of divided powers and fixed terms of office.

Mr. Bryce comments on the proposal as follows:--

It is hard to say, when one begins to make alterations in an old
house, how far one will be led on in rebuilding, and I doubt
whether this change in the present American system, possibly in
itself desirable, might not be found to involve a reconstruction
large enough to put a new face upon several parts of that system.
(Vol. i, pp. 290, 291.)

This is very true, but is not a new building required? Is not the old
house built on a rotten foundation? Mr. Bradford has certainly
overlooked the effect of his proposal on party organization for one
thing. If the power over legislation, and especially over expenditure of
public money, is to be taken away from the irresponsible committees of
Congress, the basis of party organization would cease to be corruption,
and both representatives and parties would have to take on an entirely
new character. As to the present character of representatives, Mr. Bryce
advances a number of reasons why the best men do not go in for politics,
such as the want of a social and commercial capital, the residential
qualification, the comparative dullness of politics, the attractiveness
of other careers, &c, but Mr. Bradford declares that the one explanation
which goes further than all these is the absorption of all the powers of
the government by the legislature, and the consequent suppression of
individuality. He writes:--

The voters are urged to send to Congress men of cha