ess his opinion on general policy. He
may give his votes to candidates either for their general views or for
some particular view; or, if he lays less stress on measures than on
men, he may give them to men of high character or of great
administrative ability. It means, secondly, that every section of
opinion composing each party will be fairly represented, and that none
will be excluded, because the candidates of each party will compete
among themselves for the support of all sections, in order to decide
those most in general favour. Hence every section will directly help to
frame and influence the party policy, and there will be not the
slightest excuse for independent action outside the two main parties. In
the third place, it means the substitution of individual responsibility
for the corporate responsibility of parties, since the electors will
have the power to reject those who wish to modify party action in any
direction contrary to the general wish. It means, finally, that every
elector's opinion, as expressed by his vote, will have equal influence
in deciding the direction of party action.

+Control of Nominations.+--There is a constant incentive with the
present system of election to limit the number of candidates to two, one
representing each party. For if either party splits up its votes on more
than one candidate it will risk losing the seat. But the necessity to
limit the candidates involves some control of the nominations, and this
is perhaps the worst feature of the system. It means that, instead of
the electors being allowed to select their representative, he is chosen
for them by some irresponsible body. We have seen how in the United
States the nominating system is the source of the power of the "boss"
and the "machine;" and the same result is only a matter of time in
British countries. The registration of voters is not yet conducted in
the same rigid manner as in America, nor is the farce of holding a
primary election gone through; but whether the control be exercised by a
political organization, a newspaper, a local committee, or a secret
society, the principle is the same. Mr. Bryce has noticed the rapid
change in the practice of England on this point:--"As late as the
general elections of 1868 and 1874 nearly all candidates offered
themselves to the constituency, though some professed to do so in
pursuance of requisitions emanating from the electors. In 1880 many--I
think most--Liberal candidates i