but they are powerless. Sometimes
an independent movement is attempted, but it very rarely succeeds, and
even when it does the two "machines" combine against it and agree to
divide the spoils. Mr. Bryce writes:--

The disgust is less than a European expects, for it is mingled
with amusement. The "boss" is a sort of joke, albeit an expensive
joke. "After all," people say, "it is our own fault. If we all went
to the primaries, or if we all voted an independent ticket, we
could make an end of the 'boss.'" There is a sort of fatalism in
their view of democracy. (Vol ii., p. 241.)

What is the meaning of all this wonderful party machinery? It is this:
that organization without responsible leadership can only be founded on
corruption. In other words, _the spoils system is the price which the
United States pay for maintaining the Union under the present
Constitution_. The fault lies ultimately, therefore, in the
Constitution, which tends to repress responsible leadership.

Now, the mass of public opinion in America, as Mr. Bryce continually
points out, is sound, and attempts have not been wanting to put an end
to the system of rotation in public offices. A sustained agitation for
civil service reform was entered upon, and the system of competitive
examination was applied to a large number of offices. Now at last, the
reformers thought, American politics would be purified. But, no! The
corruption, simply took a new and more alarming turn. Direct money
contributions took the place of the spoils. It became the practice to
levy blackmail on corporations either to be let alone, or for the
purpose of fleecing the public. The monopolies granted to protected
industries are the source of a large share of these "campaign funds."
The Legislatures are crowded by professional lobbyists, and it is, in
consequence, impossible to obtain justice against the corporations.
Surely no stronger proof can be needed that corruption is and must
remain the basis of organization so long as there is no responsible
leadership.

It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that the Americans are not
alive to the failure of their representative institutions. Since Mr.
Bryce's great work on "The American Commonwealth" was published two
books by American authors have appeared which are very outspoken in
condemnation. These are "The Unforeseen Tendencies of Democracy," by Mr.
E.L. Godkin; and "The Lesson of Popular Government,"