on of July impossible applied
with nearly the same force to a call before the end of the year; and
you appeal to the President's knowledge of the "fixed principles of a
constitutional system" to prove that the administration under such a
government is subject to regular and permanent forms, "from which no
special interest, however important, should induce it to deviate." For
this branch of the argument it unfortunately happens that no regular
form of administration, no fixed principle, no usage whatever, would
have opposed a call of the Chambers at an early day, and the rule which
your excellency states would not be broken "in favor of any interest,
however important," has actually been made to yield to one of domestic
occurrence. _The Chambers have just been convened before the period
which was declared to be the soonest at which they could possibly meet_.
Your excellency will also excuse me for remarking that since the first
institution of the Chambers, in 1814, there have been convocations
for every month of the year, without exception, which I will take the
liberty of bringing to your recollection by enumerating the different
dates. The Chambers were summoned for the month of January in the years
1823, 1826, and 1829; for February, in the years 1827 and 1829; for
March, in 1815, 1824, and 1830; for April, in 1833; for May, in 1814;
for June, in 1815, 1822, and 1825; for July, in 1834; for August,
in 1830 and 1831; for September, in 1815; for October, in 1816; for
November, in 1817, 1818, 1819, 1821, and 1832; and for December, in
1820, 1824, 1826, and 1833. It is, then, clear to demonstration that
neither constitutional impediment nor stern, inflexible usage prevented
such a call of the Chambers as would have complied with the letter of
Mr. Serurier's engagement. Since I have alluded to the actual meeting of
the Chambers on the 1st of December, it is but candid to allow that even
this period would not have enabled the President to have attained one
of his objects--the presenting of the result of their deliberations to
Congress in his opening message. But even that slight concession, if
it had been made to my unceasing applications, might have given an
opportunity of conveying their decision to Congress before the 4th
of March, when they must adjourn, because, had that day been then
determined on, everything would have been ready to lay before the
Chambers on the opening of the session; but a meeting a month or six
we