. President Lincoln, referring to the Senator's
persistency in pressing candidates for office, once said: "I never
think of going to sleep now without first looking under my bed to see
if Judge Harris is not there wanting something for somebody."[1112]

[Footnote 1112: Andrew D. White, _Autobiography_, Vol. 1, p. 134.]

Davis had been on the Supreme bench since 1857, and although he had
had little opportunity to develop statesmanship, his enthusiastic
devotion to the Union had discovered resources of argument and a
fearless independence which were destined to win him great fame in the
trial of William M. Tweed. People liked his nerve, believed in his
honesty, confided in his judgment, and revelled in the retorts that
leaped to his lips. There was no question, either, how he would stand
if called to vote upon the impeachment of the President, a proceeding
already outlined and practically determined upon by the majority in
Congress. This could not be said with confidence of Ira Harris.
Although his radicalism had stiffened as the time for a re-election
approached, he had not always been terribly in earnest. It was not his
nature to jump to the support of a measure that happened to please the
fancy of the moment. Yet his votes followed those of Senator
Fessenden, and his voice, if not strong in debate, expressed the
wisdom and judgment of a safe counsellor.

In the House of Representatives Conkling had displayed real ability.
Time had vindicated his reasons for demanding a bankrupt law, and his
voice, raised for economy in the public expense, had made him of
special service during the war. He voted to reduce the mileage of
congressmen, he opposed the creation of wide-open commissions, and he
aided in uncovering frauds in the recruiting service. In the darkest
hour of rebellion he approved Vallandigham's arrest and refused to
join a movement to displace Lincoln for another candidate. On his
return to Congress, after his defeat in 1862, he had passed to the
Committee on Ways and Means, and to the Joint Committee on
Reconstruction. Of the Radicals no one surpassed him in diligence and
energy. He voted to confiscate the property of rebels, he stood with
Stevens for disfranchising all persons who voluntarily adhered to the
late insurrection until July 4, 1870, and he would agree to no plan
that operated to disfranchise the coloured population. Indeed, to the
system of constructive legislation which represented the plan of
re