in
each twentieth year thereafter, to submit to the people the question
of convening a convention for its revision, and in 1866, an
affirmative answer being given, such a convention began its work at
Albany on June 4, 1867. Of the one hundred and sixty delegates,
ninety-seven were Republicans. Its membership included many men of the
highest capacity, whose debates, characterised by good temper and
forensic ability, showed an intelligent knowledge of the needs of the
State. Their work included the payment of the canal and other State
debts, extended the term of senators from two to four years, increased
the members of the Assembly, conferred the right of suffrage without
distinction of colour, reorganised the Court of Appeals with a chief
justice and six associate justices, and increased the tenure of
supreme and appellate judges to fourteen years, with an age limit of
seventy.

Very early in the life of the convention, however, the press, largely
influenced by the New York _Tribune_, began to discredit its work.
Horace Greeley, who was a member, talked often and always well, but
the more he talked the more he revealed his incapacity for safe
leadership. He seemed to grow restive as he did in Congress over
immaterial matters. Long speeches annoyed him, and adjournments from
Friday to the following Tuesday sorely vexed him, although this
arrangement convenienced men of large business interests. Besides,
committees not being ready to report, there was little to occupy the
time of delegates. Nevertheless, Greeley, accustomed to work without
limit as to hours or thought of rest, insisted that the convention
ought to keep busy six days in the week and finish the revision for
which it assembled. When his power to influence colleagues had
entirely disappeared, he began using the _Tribune_, whose acrid
arguments, accepted by the lesser newspapers, completely undermined
all achievement. Finally, on September 24, the convention recessed
until November 12.

Democrats charged at once that the adjournment was a skulking
subterfuge not only to avoid an open confession of failure, but to
evade submitting negro suffrage to a vote in November. The truth of
the assertion seemed manifest. At all events, it proved a most serious
handicap to Republicans, who, by an act of Congress, passed on March
2, 1867, had forced negro suffrage upon the Southern States. Their
platform, adopted at Syracuse, also affirmed it. Moreover, their
absolute c