and another step toward
centralisation, while Republicans pointed out their necessity in the
interest of a fair vote and an honest count.
To Conkling the result of the campaign was of the utmost importance.
He had suddenly come into power, and success would materially aid him
in carrying out his policy of reorganising the party in the
metropolis. For many years, under an arrangement with Tammany,
Republicans had held important municipal positions. This custom had
grown out of the appointment of mixed commissions, created by
Republican legislatures, which divided the patronage between the two
parties. But since 1865, under Fenton's skilful manipulation, these
Tammany-Republicans, as they were called, had become the ardent
promoters of the Fenton machine, holding places on the general and
district committees, carrying primaries with the aid of Democratic
votes, and resorting to methods which fair-minded men did not approve.
Among other things it was charged that Fenton himself had a secret
understanding with Democratic leaders.[1266] These rumours had aroused
the suspicions of many Republicans, who thought it time to dissolve
the Tammany partnership, and having obtained control of the State
Committee in the late convention, Conkling proposed to reorganise the
New York general committee. Fenton was not unmindful of Conkling's
purpose. It had been disclosed in the convention, and to defeat it the
Chautauquan was indifferent to ways and means. During much of the
campaign he absented himself from the State, while threats of avenging
the appointment of Murphy and the removal of Grinnell created the
apprehension that his faction would secretly oppose the ticket.[1267]
[Footnote 1266: A.R. Conkling, _Life of Roscoe Conkling_, p. 329.]
[Footnote 1267: "Governor Fenton and his friends were lukewarm
throughout the campaign, the Governor absenting himself from the State
much of the time. Late in October he returned from the Western States,
and on the 31st, five days before election, he made a speech." From
Conkling's speech of July 22, 1872. New York _Times_, July 24.]
Throughout the canvass Conkling was energetic. He spoke frequently.
That his temper was hot no one who looked at him could doubt, but he
had it in tight control. Although he encountered unfriendly
demonstrations, especially in New York, the pettiness of ruffled
vanity did not appear. Nothing could be more easy and graceful than
his manner on these occasions. H
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