the State in Conkling's
behalf. During the week's fierce contest at Albany he marshalled his
forces with rare skill, not forgetting that vigilance brings
victory.[1118]

[Footnote 1118: Conkling and Roberts quarrelled in the early
seventies--the former, perhaps, unwilling to have two great men in
Oneida County--and Roberts was defeated for Congress in 1874. After
that the Utica _Herald_ became Conkling's bitterest enemy. See
interviews, New York _Herald_, November 9, 1877, and New York
_Tribune_, November 10, 1877.]

Thus the strife, without bitterness because free from factional
strife, remained for several days at white-heat. "On reaching here
Tuesday night," Conkling wrote his wife, "the crowd took and held
possession of me till about three o'clock the next morning. Hundreds
came and went, and until Thursday night this continued from early
morning to early morning again. The contest is a very curious and
complex one. Great sums of money are among the influences here. I have
resolutely put down my foot that no friend of mine, even without my
knowledge, shall pay a cent, upon any pretext nor in any strait, come
what will. If chosen, it will be by the men of character, and if
beaten this will be my consolation. The gamblers say that I can have
$200,000 here from New York in a moment if I choose, and that the
members are fools to elect me without it."[1119] As evidence of the
want of faith in legislative virtue, the _Times_ gave the answer of a
veteran lobbyist, who was asked respecting the chances of Freeman
Clarke. "Who's Clark?" he inquired. "Formerly the comptroller of the
currency," was the reply. "Oh, yes," said the lobbyist; "and if he
controlled the currency now, he would have a sure thing of it."[1120]

[Footnote 1119: A.R. Conkling, _Life of Roscoe Conkling_, pp. 286-287.]

[Footnote 1120: New York _Times_, January 4, 1867.]

Conkling's winning card was his forensic ability. In the United State
Senate, since the days of Seward, New York had been weak in debating
power, and the party's desire to be represented by one who could place
the Empire State in the front rank of influence appealed strongly to
many of the legislators. Andrew D. White, therefore, raised a
whirlwind of applause at the caucus when he declared, in seconding
Conkling's nomination, that what the Empire State wanted was not
judicial talent "but a voice."[1121]

[Footnote 1121: New York _Times_, January 10.]

Nevertheless, so evenly did