ormation, and, in 1856, had followed
Fillmore into the ranks of the Americans; but their division in 1857
disgusted him, and, with Putnam and many others, he was now favourable
to a fusion of the two parties. After conferring for two days,
however, the Republicans made the mistake of nominating candidates for
governor and lieutenant-governor before agreeing upon a division of
the offices, at which the Americans took offence and put up a separate
ticket, with Lorenzo Burrows for governor. Burrows was a man of
considerable force of character, a native of Connecticut, and a
resident of Albion. He had served four years in Congress as a Whig,
and in 1855 was elected state comptroller as a Know-Nothing.

The failure of the fusionists greatly pleased the Democrats, who, in
spite of the bitter contest for seats in the New York City delegation,
exhibited confidence and some enthusiasm at their state convention on
September 15. The Softs, led by Daniel E. Sickles, represented
Tammany; the Hards, marshalled by Fernando Wood, were known as the
custom-house delegation. In 1857, the city delegates had been evenly
divided between the two factions; but this year the Softs, confident
of their strength, insisted upon having their entire delegation
seated, and, on a motion to make Horatio Seymour temporary chairman,
they proved their control by a vote of 54 to 35. The admission of
Tammany drew a violent protest from Fernando Wood and his delegates,
who then left the convention in a body amidst a storm of hisses and
cheers.

A strong disposition existed to nominate Seymour for governor. Having
been thrice a candidate and once elected, however, he peremptorily
declined to stand. This left the way open to Amasa J. Parker, an
exceptionally strong candidate, but one who had led the ticket to
defeat in 1856. John J. Taylor of Oswego, whose congressional career
had been limited to a single term because of his vote for the
Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854, became the nominee for lieutenant-governor
by acclamation. In its platform, the convention very cunningly
resolved that it was "content" to have the American people judge
President Buchanan's administration by its acts, and that it "hailed
with satisfaction" the fact that the people of Kansas had settled the
Lecompton question by practically making the territory a free State.

Thus Parker stood for Buchanan and popular sovereignty, while the
Republicans denounced the Lecompton trick as a wicked