diated all further political friendship
for and alliance with Governor Seward, and menaced him with hostility
wherever it could be made most effective; for the avowed reason that
Governor Seward had never advised my elevation to office,' &c. This is
a very grave charge, and, being dated 'Auburn, Tuesday, May 22, 1860,'
and written by one who was there expressly and avowedly to console
with Governor Seward on his defeat and denounce me as its author, it
is impossible not to see that Governor Seward is its responsible
source. I, therefore, call on him for the private letter which I did
write him in November, 1854, that I may print it verbatim in the
_Tribune_, and let every reader judge how far it sustains the charges
which his mouthpiece bases thereon. I maintain that it does not
sustain them; but I have no copy of the letter, and I cannot discuss
its contents while it remains in the hands of my adversaries, to be
used at their discretion. I leave to others all judgment as to the
unauthorised use which has already been made of this private and
confidential letter, only remarking that this is by no means the first
time it has been employed to like purpose. I have heard of its
contents being dispensed to members of Congress from Governor Seward's
dinner-table; I have seen articles based on it paraded in the columns
of such devoted champions of Governor Seward's principles and aims as
the Boston _Courier_. It is fit that the New York _Times_ should
follow in their footsteps; but I, who am thus fired on from an ambush,
demand that the letter shall no longer be thus employed. Let me have
the letter and it shall appear verbatim in every edition of the
_Tribune_. Meantime, I only say that, when I fully decided that I
would no longer be devoted to Governor Seward's personal fortunes, it
seemed due to candour and fair dealing that I should privately but in
all frankness apprise him of the fact. It was not possible that I
could in any way be profited by writing that letter; I well understood
that it involved an abdication of all hopes of political advancement;
yet it seemed due to my own character that the letter should be
written. Of course I never dreamed that it could be published, or used
as it already has been; but no matter--let us have the letter in
print, and let the public judge between its writer and his open and
covert assailants. At all events I ask no favour and fear no open
hostility.

"There are those who will at a