stence manifested in the Lemmon slave case, in which
he was opposed by Charles O'Conor, had given abundant evidence of the
great intellectual powers that subsequently distinguished him. He had,
also, other claims to recognition. The wit and great learning that
made him the most charming of conversationalists increased his
popularity, while his love of books, his excellent taste, and good
manners made him welcome in the club and the social circle. Indeed, he
seems to have possessed almost every gift and grace that nature and
fortune could bestow, giving him high place among his contemporaries.

Evarts had not then held office. The places that O'Conor and Brady had
accepted presented no attractions for him; nor did he seem to desire
the varied political careers that had distinguished other brilliant
young members of the New York bar. But he had taken pleasure in
bringing to his party a wisdom in council which was only equalled by
his power in debate. If this service were insufficient to establish
his right to the exalted preferment he now sought, his recent valuable
work at the Chicago convention was enough to satisfy Thurlow Weed, at
least, that generous assistance of such surpassing value should be
richly rewarded.

Up to this time, Weed's authority in his party in the State had been
supreme. He failed to have his way in 1846 when John Young seized the
nomination for governor, and some confusion existed as to his
influence in the convention that selected Myron Clark in 1854; but for
all practical purposes Weed had controlled the Whig and Republican
parties since their formation, almost without dissent. Circumstances
sometimes favoured him. The hard times of 1837 made possible Seward's
election as governor; the split in the Democratic party over the
canal, and later over the Wilmot Proviso, secured Seward a seat in the
United States Senate; and the sudden and wholly unexpected repeal of
the Missouri Compromise defeated the Silver-Grays and aided in rapidly
reducing the strength of the Know-Nothings; but these changes in the
political situation, although letting Weed's party into power,
burdened his leadership with serious problems. It required a master
hand safely to guide a party between the Radical and Abolition
factions on one side and the Conservatives on the other, and his
signal success commended him to President Lincoln, who frequently
counselled with him, often inviting him to Washington by telegram
during the