t the rhetorical words of this admirable speech had
an effectual influence in making fidelity to the Union, irrespective
of previous party affiliations, a rallying point for Northern men.

[Footnote 698: F.W. Seward, _Life of W.H. Seward_, Vol. 2, p. 494.]

[Footnote 699: New York _Tribune_ (editorial), January 14, 1861.]

[Footnote 700: TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

"Statesman, I thank thee!--and if yet dissent
Mingles, reluctant, with my large content,
I can not censure what was nobly meant.
But while constrained to hold even Union less
Than Liberty, and Truth, and Righteousness,
I thank thee, in the sweet and holy name
Of Peace, for wise, calm words, that put to shame
Passion and party. Courage may be shown
Not in defiance of the wrong alone;
He may be bravest, who, unweaponed, bears
The olive branch, and strong in justice spares
The rash wrong-doer, giving widest scope
To Christian charity, and generous hope.
If without damage to the sacred cause
Of Freedom, and the safeguard of its laws--
If, without yielding that for which alone
We prize the Union, thou canst save it now,
From a baptism of blood, upon thy brow
A wreath whose flowers no earthly soil has known
Woven of the beatitudes, shall rest;
And the peacemaker be forever blest!"]

As the recognised representative of the President-elect, Seward now
came into frequent conference with loyal men of both sections and of
all parties, including General Scott and the new members of Buchanan's
Cabinet. John A. Dix had become secretary of the treasury, Edwin
Stanton attorney-general, and Jeremiah S. Black secretary of state.
Seward knew them intimately, and with Black he conferred publicly.
With Stanton, however, it seemed advisable to select midnight as the
hour and a basement as the place of conference. "At length," he wrote
Lincoln, "I have gotten a position in which I can see what is going on
in the councils of the President."[701] To his wife, he adds: "The
revolution gathers apace. It has its abettors in the White House, the
treasury, the interior. I have assumed a sort of dictatorship for
defence."[702] He advised the President-elect to reach Washington
somewhat earlier than usual, and suggested having his secretaries of
war and navy designated that they might co-operate in measures for the
public safety. Under his advice, on the theory that the national
emblem would strengthen