ion."[662] But whatever its
influence upon Weed, the nomination of Harris was a bitter
disappointment to Greeley. He was extraordinarily ambitious for public
preferment. The character or duties of the office seemed to make
little difference to him. Congressman, senator, governor,
lieutenant-governor, comptroller of state, and President of the United
States, at one time or another greatly attracted him, and to gain any
one of them he willingly lent his name or gave up his time; but never
did he come so near reaching the goal of his ambition as in February,
1861. The promise of Harris' supporters to transfer their votes
encouraged a confidence that was not misplaced. The Greeley men were
elated, the more ardent entertaining no doubt that the eighth ballot
would bring victory; and, had Weed delayed a moment longer, Greeley
must have been a United States senator. But Weed did not delay, and
Greeley closed his life with an office-holding record of ninety days
in Congress. Like George Borrow, he seemed never to realise that his
simple, clear, vigorous English was to be the crown of an undying
fame.[663]

[Footnote 662: New York _Tribune_, February 5, 1861.]

[Footnote 663: "It is one of the curiosities of human nature that
Greeley, who exceeded in influence many of our Presidents, should have
hankered so constantly for office. It is strange enough that the man
who wrote as a dictator of public opinion in the _Tribune_ on the 9th
of November could write two days later the letter to Seward,
dissolving the political firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley. In that
letter the petulance of the office-seeker is shown, and the grievous
disappointment that he did not get the nomination for lieutenant-governor,
which went to Raymond, stands out plainly."--James F. Rhodes, _History
of the United States_, Vol. 2, p. 72.]

CHAPTER XXVIII

LINCOLN, SEWARD, AND THE UNION

1860-1861

As the day approached for the opening of Congress on Monday, December
3, 1860, William H. Seward left Auburn for Washington. At this time he
possessed the most powerful influence of any one in the Republican
party. While other leaders, his rivals in eloquence and his peers in
ability, exercised great authority, the wisdom of no one was more
widely appreciated, or more frequently drawn upon. "Sumner, Trumbull,
and Wade," says McClure, speaking from personal acquaintance, "had
intellectual force, but Trumbull was a judge rather than a politician,
Wade