s of their party. To many it seemed
strange, if not absolutely ludicrous, to hoist a pro-slavery flag in
the Empire State. But Republicans welcomed the division of their
opponents, and the Hards were terribly in earnest. They organised with
due formality; spent two days in conference; adopted the pro-slavery
platform of the seceders' convention amidst loud cheering; selected
candidates for a state and electoral ticket with the care that
precedes certain election; angrily denounced the leadership of Dean
Richmond at Charleston and Baltimore; appointed a new state committee,
and, with the usual assurance of determined men, claimed a large
following.

The indomitable Dickinson, in a speech not unlike his Cooper Institute
address, declared that Breckenridge, the regularly nominated candidate
of seventeen States and portions of other States, would secure one
hundred and twenty-seven electoral votes in the South and on the
Pacific coast. This made the election, he argued, depend upon New
York, and since Douglas would start without the hope of getting a
single vote, it became the duty of every national Democrat to insist
that the Illinoisan be withdrawn. People might scoff at this movement
as "a cloud no bigger than a man's hand," he said, but it would grow
in size and send forth a deluge that would refresh and purify the arid
soil of politics. The applause that greeted this prophecy indicated
faith in a principle that most people knew had outlived its day in the
State; and, although Dickinson was always altogether on one side, it
is scarcely credible that he could sincerely believe that New York
would support Breckenridge, even if Douglas withdrew.

The Hards conjured with a few distinguished names which still gave
them prestige. Charles O'Conor, Greene C. Bronson, and John A. Dix, as
conservative, moderate leaders, undoubtedly had the confidence of many
people, and their ticket, headed by James T. Brady, the brilliant
lawyer, looked formidable. Personally, Brady was perhaps the most
popular man in New York City; and had he stood upon other than a
pro-slavery platform his support must have been generous. But the fact
that he advocated the protection of slave property in the territories,
although opposed to Buchanan's Lecompton policy, was destined to
subject him to humiliating defeat.

The Softs met in convention on August 15. In numbers and noisy
enthusiasm they did not seem to represent a larger following than the
Hards