who followed his
political teachings, among his opponents it had fallen upon unheeding
ears and incredulous minds. But now, at last, the country was
beginning to wake up to the gravity of the crisis, and when he pointed
to the 'irrepressible conflict' he was formulating, in clear words, a
vague and unwilling belief that was creeping over every intelligent
Northern man."[501]

[Footnote 500: _Lincoln-Douglas Debates_, p. 48.]

[Footnote 501: F.W. Seward, _Life of W.H. Seward_, Vol. 2, p. 352.]

The effect was instantaneous. Democratic press and orators became
hysterical, denouncing him as "vile," "wicked," "malicious," and
"vicious." The _Herald_ called him an "arch-agitator," more dangerous
than Beecher, Garrison, or Theodore Parker. It was denied that any
conflict existed except such as he was trying to foment. Even the New
York _Times_, his own organ, thought the idea of abolishing slavery in
the slave States rather fanciful, while the Springfield _Republican_
pronounced his declaration impolitic and likely to do him and his
party harm. On the other hand, the radical anti-slavery papers thought
it bold and commendable. "With the instinct of a statesman," the
_Tribune_ said, "Seward discards all minor, temporary, and delusive
issues, and treats only of what is final and essential. Clear, calm,
sagacious, profound, and impregnable, showing a masterly comprehension
of the present aspect and future prospects of the great question which
now engrosses our politics, this speech will be pondered by every
thoughtful man in the land and confirm the eminence so long maintained
by its author."[502] James Watson Webb, in the _Courier and Enquirer_,
declared that it made Seward and Republicanism one and inseparable,
and settled the question in New York as to who should be the
standard-bearer in 1860.

[Footnote 502: New York _Daily Tribune_, October 27, 1858.

"Few speeches from the stump have attracted so great attention or
exerted so great an influence. The eminence of the man combined with
the startling character of the doctrine to make it engross the public
mind. Republicans looked upon the doctrine announced as the
well-weighed conclusion of a profound thinker and of a man of wide
experience, who united the political philosopher with the practical
politician. It is not probable that Lincoln's 'house divided against
itself' speech had any influence in bringing Seward to this position.
He would at this time have scorned th