wide departure from their
position of August, 1855, which had practically reaffirmed the
principles of the Wilmot Proviso; but the trend of public events
compelled them either to renounce all anti-slavery leanings or abandon
their party. Their surrender, however, did not turn their reception at
Cincinnati into the welcome of prodigals. The committee on credentials
kept them waiting at the door for two days, and when they were finally
admitted they were compelled to enter on an equality with the Hards.
Horatio Seymour pleaded for representation in proportion to the votes
cast, which would have given the Softs three-fifths of the delegation,
but the convention thought them entitled to no advantages because of
their "abolition principles," and even refused a request for
additional seats from which their colleagues might witness the
proceedings. To complete their humiliation the convention required
them formally to deny the right of Congress or of the people of a
territory to prohibit slavery in any territory of the United States.
It was a bitter dose. The Democracy of the Empire State had been
accustomed to control conventions--not to serve them. For twenty years
they had come with candidates for the Presidency, and if none of
their statesmen had been nominated since 1836 they were recognised as
resolute men, bold in diplomacy, ready for any emergency, and as
formidable to their enemies as they were dear to their friends. For
nearly three decades a New Yorker had been in the Cabinet of every
administration. But the glory of former days had now departed. For
twelve years the party had been divided and weakened, until, at last,
it had neither presidential candidate to offer nor cabinet position to
expect.

The leading candidates at Cincinnati were Franklin Pierce, Stephen A.
Douglas, and James Buchanan. Northern delegates had been inclined to
support Pierce or Douglas; but since the assault upon Sumner and the
destruction of Lawrence, the conciliation of the North by the
nomination of a candidate who had not participated in the events of
the past three years seemed the wisest and safest policy. Buchanan had
been minister to England since the birth of the Pierce administration;
and the fact that he hailed from Pennsylvania, a very important State
in the election, strengthened his availability. The Softs recognised
the wisdom of this philosophy, but, under the leadership of Marcy, who
had given them the federal patronage for