atrimonial means. After his
victory over the League of Schmalkalden, Charles perhaps had really a
chance of making the imperial power a reality. But he lacked either
courage or imagination, contenting himself with proposals for voluntary
association on the lines of the defunct Swabian League, and dropping
even these when public opinion was against them. Now, too, he made his
great mistake in attempting to foist Philip upon the Empire as
Ferdinand's successor. Gossip reported that Ferdinand himself was to be
set aside, and careless historians have given currency to this. Such an
idea was impossible. Charles wished Philip to succeed Ferdinand, while
he ultimately conceded that Ferdinand's son Maximilian should follow
Philip, and even in his lifetime exercise the practical power in
Germany. This scheme irritated Ferdinand and his popular and ambitious
son at the critical moment when it was essential that the Habsburgs
should hold together against princely malcontents. Philip was
imprudently introduced to Germany, which had also just received a
foretaste of the unpleasant characteristics of Spanish troops. Yet the
person rather than the policy was, perhaps, at fault. It was natural
that the quasi-hereditary succession should revert to the elder line.
France proved her recuperative power by the occupation of Savoy and of
Metz, Toul and Verdun, the military keys of Lorraine. The separation of
the Empire and Spain left two weakened powers not always at accord, and
neither of them permanently able to cope on equal terms with France.
Nevertheless, this scheme did contribute in no small measure to the
failure of Charles in Germany. The main cause was, of course, the
religious schism, but his treatment of this requires separate
consideration.

The characteristics of Charles's government, its mingled conservatism
and adaptability, are best seen in Spain and the Netherlands, with which
he was in closer personal contact than with Italy and Germany. In Spain,
when once he knew the country, he never repeated the mistakes which on
his first visit caused the rising of the communes. The cortes of Castile
were regularly summoned, and though he would allow no encroachment on
the crown's prerogatives, he was equally scrupulous in respecting their
constitutional rights. They became, perhaps, during the reign slightly
more dependent on the crown. This has been ascribed to the system of
gratuities which in later reigns became a scandal, but was