long oppressed. The
Republic could appeal with telling effect to the English sailors not to
fight against the champions of the Rights of Man. Further, France need
not fear the British Empire; for it is vulnerable in every sea, on all
the continental markets, while France stands four-square, rooted in her
fertile soil. Let them, then, attack the sources of British wealth which
are easily assailable. "The credit of England rests upon fictitious
wealth, the real riches of that people are scattered everywhere....
Asia, Portugal and Spain are the best markets for English products....
We must attack Lisbon and the Brazils, and carry an auxiliary army to
Tippoo Sultan." As for Spain (continued Kersaint) she could be paralysed
by the revolutionizing of Spanish America--the suggestion of Miranda to
Dumouriez. In fact, Frenchmen need not fear war with all Governments.
Open enmity was better than neutrality. This war would "regulate the
destiny of nations and found the liberty of the world." Accordingly he
proposed to offer to England either war or an alliance; to equip thirty
sail of the line and twenty-four frigates; and to form a Committee of
General Defence. The Convention assented to this last and referred the
other questions to it.

Thus opened the terrible year, 1793. The circular letter of Monge and
the speech of Kersaint furnished the weather-gauge for the future. In
them we detect the mental exaltation, the boundless daring, the
overwrought conviction of their neighbours' weakness, which were to
carry Frenchmen up to bewildering heights of glory and overwhelm them in
final disaster. We behold in awful perspective the conquest of Holland,
Italy, and Central Europe, the Irish Rebellion, the Egyptian Expedition,
the war on British commerce, culminating in the Continental System, with
its ensuing campaigns in Spain and Russia, and the downfall of Napoleon.
All this and more can be seen dimly, as in a crystal globe, in that
fateful phrase of Kersaint--"The credit of England rests upon fictitious
wealth."

* * * * *

Turning to the last details that preceded the declaration of war, we
notice that on 7th January Chauvelin, acting on the order of Lebrun,
sent in a sharp protest against the Aliens Bill as an infraction of
Pitt's Treaty of Commerce of 1786. On one count Chauvelin certainly had
a right to complain; for, strange to say, the Act was put in operation
against Talleyrand, no