rted to "partial
terrorism and local anarchy."

And it is in the name of revolutionary progress, of ultra-radicalism, that
we are called upon to revert to the tactics of desperation born of the
discouraging conditions of nearly seventy years ago. A new philosophy has
taken possession of the easily possessed minds of Greenwich Village
philosophers and parlor revolutionists--a new philosophy of progress,
according to which revolutionary progress consists in the unraveling by
feverish fingers of the fabric woven through years of sacrifice; in
abandoning high levels attained for the lower levels from which the
struggles of the past raised us; in harking back to the thoughts and the
tactics of men who shouted their despairing, defiant cries into the gloom
of the blackest period of the nineteenth century!

Universal, secret, equal, and direct suffrage was a fact in Russia, the
first great achievement of the Revolution. Upon that foundation, and upon
no other, it was possible to build an enduring, comprehensive social
democracy. Against that foundation the Bolsheviki hurled their destructive
power, creating a discriminating class suffrage, disfranchising a great
part of the Russian people--not merely the bourgeoisie, but a considerable
part of the working class itself. Chapter XIII of Article 4 of the
Constitution of the "Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic" sets
forth the qualifications for voting, as follows:

THE RIGHT TO VOTE

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

64. The right to vote and to be elected to the Soviets is enjoyed
by the following citizens, irrespective of religion, nationality,
domicile, etc., of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet
Republic, of both sexes, who shall have completed their eighteenth
year by the day of election:

a. All who have acquired the means of living through labor that is
productive and useful to society, and also persons engaged in
housekeeping which enables the former to do productive work--i.e.,
laborers and employees of all classes who are employed in
industry, trade, agriculture, etc.; and peasants and Cossack
agricultural laborers who employ no help for the purpose of making
profits.

b. Soldiers of the army and navy of the Soviets.

c. Citizens of the two preceding categories who have to any degree
lost their capacity to work.

Note 1: Local Soviets may, upon approval of the central power,
lower the