sociate as a "man who blinds himself with
revolutionary phrases" becomes manifest. It is easy to understand the
strained relations that existed between the two men. His "neither war nor
peace" gesture--it was no more!--his dramatic refusal to sign the stiffened
peace terms, his desire to call all Russia to arms again to fight the
Germans, his determination to create a vast "Red Army" to renew the war
against Germany, and his professed willingness to "accept the services of
American officers in training that army," all indicated a mind given to
illusions and stone blind to realities. Lenine at least knew that the game
was up. He knew that the game into which he had so coolly entered when he
left Switzerland, and which he had played with all his skill and cunning,
was at an end and that the Germans had won. The Germans behaved with a
perfidy that is unmatched in modern history, disregarded the armistice they
had signed, and savagely hurled their forces against the defenseless,
partially demobilized and trusting Russians. There was nothing left for the
Bolsheviki to do. They had delivered Russia to the Germans. In March the
"indecent peace" was signed, with what result we know. Bolshevism had been
the ally of Prussian militarism. Consciously or unconsciously, willingly or
unwillingly, Lenine, Trotzky, and the other Bolshevik leaders had done all
that men could do to make the German military lords masters of the world.
Had there been a similar movement in France, England, the United States, or
even Italy, to-day the Hohenzollerns and Habsburgs would be upon their
thrones, realizing the fulfilment of the Pan-German vision.
VIII
In view of the fact that so many of our American pacifists have glorified
the Bolsheviki, it may be well to remind them, if they have forgotten, or
to inform them, if they do not know it, that their admiration is by no
means reciprocated. Both Lenine and Trotzky have spoken and written in
terms of utter disdain of pacifist movements in general and of the
pacifists of England and America in particular. They have insisted that,
_in present society_, disarmament is really a reactionary proposal. The
inclusion in the Constitution, which they have forced upon Russia by armed
might, of _permanent universal compulsory military service_ is not by
accident. They believe that only when all nations have become Socialist
nations will it be a proper policy for Socialists to favor disarmament. It
would be inter
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