deplore "the militarization of the populations." If the bourgeoisie
militarizes all the men, and all the boys, nay, even all the women, why--so
much the better! "Never will the women of an oppressed class that is really
revolutionary be content" to demand disarmament. On the contrary, they will
encourage their sons to bear the arms and "learn well the business of war."
Of course, this knowledge they will use, "not in order that they may shoot
at their brothers, the workers of other countries, as they are doing in the
present war ... but in order that they may struggle against the bourgeoisie
in their own country, in order that they may put an end to exploitation,
poverty, and war, not by the path of good-natured wishes, but by the path
of victory over the bourgeoisie and of disarmament of the bourgeoisie."[90]
Universally the working class has taken a position the
very opposite of this. Universally we find the organized working class
favoring disarmament, peace agreements, and covenants in general opposing
extensions of what Lenine describes as "the militarization of populations."
For this universality of attitude and action there can only be one adequate
explanation--namely, the instinctive class consciousness of the workers.
But, according to Lenine, this instinctive class consciousness is all
wrong; somehow or other it expresses itself in a "bourgeois" policy. The
workers ought to welcome the efforts of the ruling class to militarize and
train in the arts of war not only the men of the nations, but the boys and
even the women as well. Some day, if this course be followed, there will be
two great armed classes in every nation and between these will occur the
decisive war which shall establish the supremacy of the most numerous and
powerful class. Socialism is thus to be won, not by the conquests of reason
and of conscience, but by brute force.
Obviously, there is no point of sympathy between this brutal and arrogant
gospel of force and the striving of modern democracy for the peaceful
organization of the world, for disarmament, a league of nations, and, in
general, the supplanting of force of arms by the force of reason and
morality. There is a Prussian quality in Lenine's philosophy. He is the
Treitschke of social revolt, brutal, relentless, and unscrupulous, glorying
in might, which is, for him, the only right. And that is what characterizes
the whole Bolshevik movement: it is the infusion into the class strife and
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