stom-house, and the excise-office. The cathedral is said to have been
saved by the resolute stand of a few volunteers hastily rallied by one
of the officials. In the midst of all this havoc, the cavalry were
almost passive, Colonel Brereton, the commanding officer, waiting for
orders from the magistrates, and actually withdrawing a part of his
small force when it was most needed, because it had incurred the special
hatred of the criminals.

On the morning of Monday, the guardians of law and order seemed to have
recovered their courage; at all events, the cavalry, no longer forbidden
to charge, and headed by Major Mackworth, soon cleared the streets,
fresh troops poured in, and the police made a number of arrests. The
reign of anarchy was at an end, having lasted three days. When a return
of casualties was made up, it showed that only twelve were known to have
lost their lives, besides ninety-four disabled, most of whom were the
victims of excessive drunkenness or of the flames kindled by themselves.
But, though the riot was quelled, it was some proof of its deliberate
promotion, and of the aims which its ringleaders had in view, that
parties of them issuing out from Bristol attempted to propagate sedition
in Somersetshire. A special commission sent down to Bristol condemned to
death several of the worst malefactors; four were hanged and
eighty-eight sentenced either to transportation or to lighter
punishments; and Colonel Brereton destroyed himself rather than face the
verdict of a court-martial.

On the same Monday, the 31st, Burdett took the chair at a meeting in
Lincoln's Inn Fields, called for the purpose of forming a "National
Political Union" in London. Soon afterwards, however, he retired from
the organisation, on the nominal ground that half of the seats on its
council were allotted to the working classes, but more probably because
he was beginning to be alarmed by the violence of his associates. His
fears were justified by a manifesto summoning a mass meeting of the
working-classes to assemble at White Conduit House on November 7, for
the purpose of ratifying a new and revolutionary bill of rights. This
time the government was on its guard, and Melbourne plainly informed a
working-class deputation that such a meeting would certainly be
seditious, and perhaps treasonable, in law. The plan was therefore
abandoned, and soon afterwards a royal proclamation was issued,
declaring organised political associations, as