a most abominable
bill," and, being generally opposed by the law lords, was rejected by a
small majority, but it was the germ of the county courts, which have
since done so much to bring justice within the reach and the means of
poor suitors.
Notwithstanding its legislative exploits, the whig government was
declining in popularity at the end of 1833, and was beginning to
discover how vain it is to rely on political gratitude. Other reforming
governments have since undergone the same bitter experience, the causes
of which are by no means obscure. No reform can be effected without
"harassing interests," and the sense of resentment in the sections of
the community thus harassed is far stronger and more efficacious than
any appreciation of the benefits reaped by the general public at home,
or by mankind at large. Again, the expectations excited by the agitation
of such a question as parliamentary reform are far beyond the power of
any legislature to satisfy. Grey and his colleagues were too well aware
of this, and Stanley, for one, manfully championed the government
measures on their own merits, disdaining to flatter the radicals, but
his discretion was not equal to his valour, and every debate brought
into stronger relief the more statesmanlike capacity and moderation of
Peel. There was no tory reaction, but a growing distrust of heroic
remedies for national disorders, and a growing faith in the possible
development of a liberal policy in a conservative spirit. Even the Duke
of Wellington found himself restored insensibly to popular favour, and
was again received in the streets with marks of public respect.
[Pageheading: _ALTHORP'S THIRD BUDGET._]
Of all the ministers, no one enjoyed a greater share of confidence both
in and out of parliament than Althorp. He was not a great financier, but
he was an honest and prudent chancellor of the exchequer, a free-trader
by conviction, and incapable of those artifices by which a plausible
balance-sheet may be made out at the cost of future liabilities. Yet his
budgets of 1831, 1832, and 1833 undoubtedly helped to shake the credit
of the government. The first had been far too ambitious, and became
almost futile, when the proposed tax on transfers was abandoned, and the
timber duties left undisturbed. The second was modest enough, and was
saved from damaging criticism by the absorbing interest of the reform
bill. Considerable reductions were made in the estimates, the revenue
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