providing a new ecclesiastical machinery for buying up tithes, were
abandoned at the end of the session. Of course the substitution of the
government for the clergyman as creditor in respect of arrears had no
soothing effect on the debtors. The reign of terror continued unabated,
and O'Connell contented himself with pointing out that without repeal
there could be no peace in Ireland. We may so far anticipate the
legislation of 1833 as to notice the inevitable failure of the
experiment which converted the government into a tithe-proctor. It was
then replaced by a new plan, under which the government abandoned all
processes under the existing law, advanced L1,000,000 to clear off all
arrears of tithe, and sought reimbursement by a land tax payable for a
period of five years.

[Pageheading: _EDUCATION IN IRELAND._]

It reflects credit on the unreformed house of commons that in its very
last session, harassed by the irreconcilable attitude of the catholic
population in Ireland, it should have found time and patience not only
for the pressing question of Irish tithes, but for the consideration of
a resolution introductory to an Irish poor law, of a bill (which became
law) for checking the abuses of Irish party processions, and of a grant
for a board to superintend the mixed education of Irish catholic and
protestant children. The discussion of Sadler's motion in favour of an
Irish poor law was somewhat academic, and produced a division among the
Irish members, O'Connell, with gross inconsistency, declaring himself
vehemently opposed to any such measure. The ministers professed
sympathy with its principle, but would not pledge themselves to deal
immediately with so difficult and complicated a subject, perhaps
foreseeing the necessity of radical change in the English poor law
system. The processions bill was vigorously resisted on behalf of the
Orangemen, as specially aimed at their annual demonstrations on July 12,
but it was so manifestly wise to remove every wanton aggravation of
party spirit in Ireland, that it was passed just before the prorogation.

The experiment of mixed education in Ireland had already been made with
partial success, first by individuals, and afterwards by an association
known as the Kildare Place Society. On the appointment of Dr. Whately to
the archbishopric of Dublin, it received a fresh impulse, and Stanley,
as chief secretary, definitely adopted the principle, recommended by two
commissions an