land might possess, as the Power responsible for
the well-being of South Africa as a whole. And so, partly by force of
environment and partly by a narrow and erroneous interpretation of the
principles of international law,[58] the Boer and Hollander oligarchy
in the Transvaal, with all its moral obliquity and administrative
incompetence, had become, as it were, a thing sacrosanct in his eyes.
Mr. Hofmeyr and the Bond leaders, on the other hand, desired to
prevent intervention because they were perfectly satisfied to see the
British Uitlanders in a position of political inferiority, and
perfectly content with the whole situation, the continuance of which,
as they knew, was directly calculated to bring about the supremacy of
the Dutch race in South Africa. Therefore Hofmeyr made no effort to
improve the state of affairs in the Transvaal until he saw the storm
bursting. And when, at a later stage, he set himself to work in
earnest to induce President Krueger to grant reforms, he did so to save
the cause of Afrikander nationalism and not to assist the British
Government in winning justice for the Uitlanders.

[Footnote 58: For the position of Great Britain from the
point of view of international law see some remarks in the
note on page 580 (Chapter XII.).]

[Sidenote: Sir Richard Solomon.]

Sir Richard Solomon, who was a nephew of Saul Solomon, the prominent
radical politician chiefly instrumental in carrying the vote for
Responsible Government through the Legislative Council of the Cape
Colony (1872), was the leader of the Bar at Kimberley. His presence,
at first sight, formed a wholly incongruous element in such a
ministry. On the native question, in his fiscal views, as a supporter
of the Redistribution Bill, and in his sympathy with the Uitlanders,
he was in direct conflict with the characteristic principles of the
Bond. His one link with the Afrikander party was his distrust of
Rhodes; and in view of his unquestioned loyalty to the British
connection, his decision to join the Schreiner Ministry is probably to
be attributed to his personal friendship for the Prime Minister. On
the other hand, his ability, detachment from local parties, and the
respect which he commanded, made him a valuable asset to Mr.
Schreiner.

[Sidenote: Messrs. Merriman and Sauer.]

Mr. Merriman, whose close political associate was Mr. Sauer, had twice
held office under Mr. Rhodes (1890-96); but his separation from