l.

In answer to these arguments, Mr. Madison said, "If it is expedient
for America to have vessels employed in commerce at all, it will be
proper that she have enough to answer all the purposes intended; to
form a school for seamen; to lay the foundation of a navy: and to be
able to support itself against the interference of foreigners. I do
not think there is much weight in the observations that the duty we
are about to lay in favour of American vessels is a burden on the
community, and particularly oppressive to some parts. But if there
were, it may be a burden of that kind which will ultimately save us
from one that is greater.

"I consider an acquisition of maritime strength essential to this
country; should we ever be so unfortunate as to be engaged in war,
what but this can defend our towns and cities upon the sea coast? Or
what but this can enable us to repel an invading enemy? Those parts
which are said to bear an undue proportion of the burden of the
additional duty on foreign shipping, are those which will be most
exposed to the operations of a predatory war, and will require the
greatest exertions of the union in their defence. If therefore some
little sacrifice be made by them to obtain this important object, they
will be peculiarly rewarded for it in the hour of danger. Granting a
preference to our own navigation will insensibly bring it forward to
that perfection so essential to American safety; and though it may
produce some little inequality at first, it will soon ascertain its
level, and become uniform throughout the union."

But no part of the system was discussed with more animation than that
which proposed to make discriminations in favour of those nations with
whom the United States had formed commercial treaties. In the debate
on this subject, opinions and feelings with respect to foreign powers
were disclosed, which, strengthening with circumstances, afterwards
agitated the whole American continent.

While the resolutions on which the bills were to be framed were under
debate, Mr. Benson rose to inquire on what principle the proposed
discriminations between foreign nations was founded? "It was certainly
proper," he said, "to comply with existing treaties. But those
treaties stipulated no such preference. Congress then was at liberty
to consult the interests of the United States. If those interests
would be promoted by the measure, he should be willing to adopt it,
but he wished its policy to