resentatives in the Dominion Parliament, were to be represented also
in the Ontario Legislature. Ireland, besides controlling her own
affairs, free from British interference, would have a voice in British
affairs, and sometimes a deciding voice. "If you keep the Irish in,"
said Mr. John Morley in 1886--and he meant in their full numbers--"they
will be what they have ever been in the past--the arbitrators and
masters of English policy, of English legislative business, and of the
rise and fall of British administrations." That is a rather exaggerated
account of the past, for had it been literally true Ireland would have
had Home Rule long ago; and it was unduly pessimistic about the future,
for it hardly made sufficient allowance for a change in Irish spirit as
a result of Home Rule; but there is a truth in the words which everybody
recognizes and whose recognition is one of the great motive forces
behind Home Rule. Even a total change in Irish sentiments and parties
would not remove the danger, and might intensify it by producing at
Westminster a solid instead of, as at present, a divided, Irish vote. It
would be truer, perhaps, to say what I said above, that retention of
Members would tend to stereotype Irish parties and the mutual antipathy
of Ireland and Great Britain.

2. Inclusion in full numbers (say 70) for limited purposes. This (with
the figure of 80) was Mr. Gladstone's original proposal of 1893, and it
took the form of a clause known as the "In and Out Clause," which
purported to divide all Parliamentary business into Imperial, Irish, and
non-Irish business, and to give Irish Members the right to vote only on
Imperial and Irish subjects. Mr. Gladstone never disguised his view that
a sound classification was impracticable, and put forward the clause,
frankly, as a tentative scheme for the discussion of the House. Like its
successor, the "Omnes omnia" Clause, it was riddled with criticism, and
it was eventually withdrawn. Without investigating details, the reader
will perceive at once the hopeless confusion arising from an attempt to
inject a tincture of Federalism into a unitary Parliament, forming part
of an unwritten Constitution of great age and infinite delicacy. It is
not merely that it is absolutely impossible to distinguish rigidly
between Imperial, Irish, and British business. The great objection is
that there would be two alternating majorities in an Assembly which is,
and must be, absolutely governed b