c policy in any land." But he
insists in the same passage "that nothing is more clear than that in
every land where a healthy national feeling exists, Roman Catholic
politicians are both independent and patriotic."

He never recanted these opinions (which are confirmed by the subsequent
course of events) even after his conversion to Unionism, but derived his
opposition to Home Rule from a dread of all democratic tendencies,[69]
the only ground on which, if men would be willing to confess the naked
truth, it can be opposed. There the matter ought to rest. If the
doctrines of the Church of Rome are, in fact, inconsistent with
political freedom--I myself pronounce no opinion on that point--it is
plain to the most superficial observer that the Church, as a factor in
politics, stands to lose rather than to gain by Home Rule. British
statesmen have often accepted that view, and have endeavoured to use the
Roman Catholic hierarchy against popular movements, just as they
enlisted its influence to secure the Union. The Roman Catholic laity
have often subsequently rejected what they have considered to be undue
political dictation from the seat of authority in Rome.

If I may venture an opinion, I believe that both of these mutually
irreconcilable propositions--that Home Rule means Rome Rule, and that
Rome is the enemy to Home Rule--are wrong.[70] Such ludicrous
contradictions only help to destroy the case against trusting a free
Ireland to give religion its legitimate, and no more than legitimate,
position in the State. Ireland is intensely religious, and it would be a
disaster of the first magnitude if the Roman Catholic masses were to
lose faith in their Church. The preservation of that faith depends on
the political Liberalism of the Church.

Corresponding tolerance will be demanded of Ulster Protestants. At
present passion, not reason, governs the religious side of their
opposition to Home Rule. It is futile to criticize Ulster Unionists for
making the religious argument the spear-head of their attack on Home
Rule. The argument is one which especially appeals to portions of the
British electorate, and the rules of political warfare permit free use
of it. It was pushed beyond the legitimate point, to actual violence, in
the Orange opposition to responsible government in Canada in 1849. And
it has more than once inflamed and embittered Australian politics, as it
inflames the politics of certain English constituencies. But it