ason for doing
so. They know what that reason was. It looks to us, since we have seen the
Dred Scott decision pronounced, holding that "under the Constitution" the
people cannot exclude slavery, I say it looks to outsiders, poor, simple,
"amiable, intelligent gentlemen," as though the niche was left as a place
to put that Dred Scott decision in,--a niche which would have been spoiled
by adopting the amendment. And now, I say again, if this was not the
reason, it will avail the Judge much more to calmly and good-humoredly
point out to these people what that other reason was for voting the
amendment down, than, swelling himself up, to vociferate that he may be
provoked to call somebody a liar.

Again: There is in that same quotation from the Nebraska Bill this clause:
"It being the true intent and meaning of this bill not to legislate
slavery into any Territory or State." I have always been puzzled to know
what business the word "State" had in that connection. Judge Douglas
knows. He put it there. He knows what he put it there for. We outsiders
cannot say what he put it there for. The law they were passing was not
about States, and was not making provisions for States. What was it placed
there for? After seeing the Dred Scott decision, which holds that the
people cannot exclude slavery from a Territory, if another Dred Scott
decision shall come, holding that they cannot exclude it from a State, we
shall discover that when the word was originally put there, it was in view
of something which was to come in due time, we shall see that it was the
other half of something. I now say again, if there is any different
reason for putting it there, Judge Douglas, in a good-humored way, without
calling anybody a liar, can tell what the reason was.

When the Judge spoke at Clinton, he came very near making a charge of
falsehood against me. He used, as I found it printed in a newspaper,
which, I remember, was very nearly like the real speech, the following
language:

"I did not answer the charge [of conspiracy] before, for the reason that
I did not suppose there was a man in America with a heart so corrupt as
to believe such a charge could be true. I have too much respect for Mr.
Lincoln to suppose he is serious in making the charge."

I confess this is rather a curious view, that out of respect for me he
should consider I was making what I deemed rather a grave charge in fun.
I confess it strikes me rather strangely. But I let it p