sesses the constitutional power to
abolish it. Yet as a member of Congress, I should not, with my present
views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions: First, that the
abolition should be gradual; second, that it should be on a vote of the
majority of qualified voters in the District; and third, that compensation
should be made to unwilling owners. With these three conditions, I
confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia, and, in the language of Henry Clay, "sweep from our
capital that foul blot upon our nation."

In regard to the fifth interrogatory, I must say here that, as to the
question of the abolition of the slave-trade between the different States,
I can truly answer, as I have, that I am pledged to nothing about it.
It is a subject to which I have not given that mature consideration that
would make me feel authorized to state a position so as to hold myself
entirely bound by it. In other words, that question has never been
prominently enough before me to induce me to investigate whether we really
have the constitutional power to do it. I could investigate it if I had
sufficient time to bring myself to a conclusion upon that subject; but I
have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here, and to Judge Douglas.
I must say, however, that if I should be of opinion that Congress does
possess the constitutional power to abolish the slave-trade among the
different States, I should still not be in favor of the exercise of that
power, unless upon some conservative principle as I conceive it, akin to
what I have said in relation to the abolition of slavery in the District
of Columbia.

My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be prohibited in all
the Territories of the United States is full and explicit within itself,
and cannot be made clearer by any comments of mine. So I suppose in
regard to the question whether I am opposed to the acquisition of any more
territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein, my answer is such
that I could add nothing by way of illustration, or making myself better
understood, than the answer which I have placed in writing.

Now in all this the Judge has me, and he has me on the record. I suppose
he had flattered himself that I was really entertaining one set of
opinions for one place, and another set for another place; that I was
afraid to