he
self-governing nation extends its governmental powers solely to give a
better chance for development to the largest number of individuals.
"All individualism," says Mr. Flower, "would be surrendered to that
mysterious thing called government." But there is nothing mysterious
in the expression the nation makes of its own will; and it is hard to
discover what individualism is surrendered, except bumptiousness, when
the rounded development of the greatest number of individuals is the
nation's motive for extending its governmental functions.
There is also another kind of reason for being undismayed at the
threat of governmentalism. Nationalism is but the very distant
consummation of local socialism.
I suppose it is not strange that the hostile critics occupy themselves
almost entirely with this keystone of the arch, since that has given
the name to the whole tendency. They delight to picture the superb
riot of corruption if nationalists could have their way at once. They
will never listen, they will never remember, while nationalists
declare they would not have their way at once if they could. A
catastrophe by which nationalistic socialism might be precipitated
would be a deplorable disaster to human progress.
Socialism properly begins with the municipality; or more properly
still, with the town-meeting. The Hon. Joseph Chamberlain is a
practical State socialist; and he outlines in the _North American
Review_ for May how English cities are laying the foundation of more
general socialism. The popular representative government of the
municipality, he says, "unlike the imperial legislature, is very near
to the poor, and can deal with details, and with special conditions.
It is subject to the criticism and direct control both of those who
find the money, and of those who are chiefly interested in its
expenditure. In England, at any rate," he continues, "it has been free
from the suspicion of personal corruption, and has always been able to
secure the services of the ablest and most disinterested members of
the community." The practical socialism of Birmingham, and other
cities of Great Britain, enthusiastically supported by multitudes of
citizens who do not call themselves socialists, is an example of the
first numbers on the socialistic programme. The intellectual leaders
of socialism are in no hurry. They have all the time there is. It may
take years to persuade American cities that they are business
corporations th
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