ternalism, or even for decent fraternalism, among those who have to
compete?
Socialism aims to produce an environment where not only the Golden
Rule but the Law of Love will have a living chance. As such an agent
it has its proper political place in the development of mankind.
REVOLUTIONARY MEASURES AND NEGLECTED CRIMES.
PART II.
BY PROF. JOSEPH RODES BUCHANAN.
If we agree that all men are born free and equal, with certain
inalienable rights,--life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,--let
us legislate to enforce our belief. All men are _not_ born equal, if
one is born with power to live without toil; power to control the
movements of a hundred thousand of his _unequal_ fellow-citizens;
power to bribe legislatures; power to hire a pretorian guard of
laborers, writers, editors, clergymen, and even soldiers or police to
do his bidding and to sing his praise, and to threaten those who wish
to establish a real republic. It was thought we had abolished
hereditary inequality; but in a land where our democratic lords can
each hire fifty thousand men and equip an army if need be,--where a
democratic American lord can buy a dozen of the puny lords of
Europe,--the social equality dreamed of in '76 does not exist. We have
abolished the useless title but not the lord.
We should not object to that inequality which is natural--to the
superior ability and superior virtue which place one man far above his
fellows; but we should object to an immense inequality, _which is not
natural_, and which sometimes places the superior man at the mercy and
in the service of one who has no ability whatever,--who is simply born
to rule by means of _hereditary wealth_. This is just as great a
social inequality as that which Jefferson saw in Europe, and which he
thought was to be excluded from America.
It is a condition that is demoralizing in a hundred ways, and is
fraught with peril to the republic, peril to society, and peril to all
the interests of humanity; and therefore as I would assert,--and _who
would deny_ the supreme right and power of the people to protect the
republic from any impending calamity by any just means, _but not by
any unjust means_--I would claim that it is our right and duty to say
that this grand hereditary inequality shall not be perpetual, and that
_the past shall not rule the present--the graveyard shall not contain
our legislature_,--but that each generation shall be a law unto
itself, and shall
|