hes a minimum of wages below which they cannot be forced, and
gives a standing ground on which exaction can be resisted permanently
by the laborer.

The Department of Productive Labor may be made a charming feature of
the government, on which philanthropists may expend their skill; and
its beautiful plantations, especially in the highlands of the
Carolinas and Georgia, and in California, may be looked to as a haven
of repose by all who are disappointed in life, who may find in these
rural homes something more attractive than the co-operative societies
to which some are rushing now. The voice of the red flag anarchist
will be quieted, and the agitators who endeavor to stir up dissension
will find most of their grievances redressed when the laborer has an
assured home.

There is no obstructive limit to the achievements of the army of
labor. Aside from agriculture and manufactures, there are roads to be
built, buildings to be erected, improvements of many kinds, and there
are about a thousand million acres of arid land, needing irrigation,
the necessary works for which could employ more than would probably
apply, for the wages should not be such as to attract men from
profitable employments. The army of labor may not at first be wisely
managed, but anything is better than the vast national losses by
_enforced idleness_. It is not extravagant to anticipate an _ultimate_
governmental administration of railroads, mines, manufactures, and
government farms that may employ many hundred thousands. There is no
apparent hindrance to the extension of the Department of Productive
Labor until it shall embrace all who desire the comfort and security
it gives, while those who prefer the strife of competition can remain
outside of the experiment, and thus the governmental and the
individual systems be fairly tried in competition with each other.
Thus far no formidable difficulty appears in abolishing pauperism, but
we find a more difficult task when we propose the abolition of
Plutocracy, by what may be called a REVOLUTIONARY MEASURE.

Having thus gotten rid of the increasing army of paupers and tramps,
providing, as it seems, a sound basis for a republic, we have the
other problem of getting rid of the growing aristocracy--the
plutocratic princes, the syndicates and trusts, who constitute the
other great danger,--of whom we may say we must either master them or
they will master us by managing our senators, governors, and
presidents.