_Ecclesiastical Biography_ (The Evangelical
Succession).

[120] See passages collected in Birkbeck Hill's _Boswell_, ii. 478-80,
and cf. iii. 200-204. Boswell was attracted by Clarkson, but finally
made up his mind that the abolition of the slave-trade would 'shut the
gates of mercy on mankind.'

[121] See the account of G. Sharp in Sir J. Stephen's _Ecclesiastical
Biography_ (Clapham Sect).

[122] Cobbett's _State Trials_, xx. 1-82.

[123] The Society determined in 1760 'to disown' any Friend concerned in
the slave-trade.

[124] Mr. Conway, in his _Life of Paine_, attributes, I think, a little
more to his hero than is consistent with due regard to his predecessors;
but, in any case, he took an early part in the movement.

[125] See upon this subject Mr. Jephson's interesting book on _The
Platform_.

V. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

The English society which I have endeavoured to characterise was now to
be thrown into the vortex of the revolutionary wars. The surpassing
dramatic interest of the French Revolution has tended to obscure our
perception of the continuity of even English history. It has been easy
to ascribe to the contagion of French example political movements which
were already beginning in England and which were modified rather than
materially altered by our share in the great European convulsion. The
impression made upon Englishmen by the French Revolution is, however, in
the highest degree characteristic. The most vehement sympathies and
antipathies were aroused, and showed at least what principles were
congenial to the various English parties. To praise or blame the
revolution, as if it could be called simply good or bad, is for the
historian as absurd as to praise or blame an earthquake. It was simply
inevitable under the conditions. We may, of course, take it as an
essential stage in a social evolution, which if described as progress is
therefore to be blessed, or if as degeneration may provoke lamentation.
We may, if we please, ask whether superior statesmanship might have
attained the good results without the violent catastrophes, or whether a
wise and good man who could appreciate the real position would have
approved or condemned the actual policy. But to answer such problems
with any confidence would imply a claim to a quasi-omniscience.
Partisans at the time, however, answered them without hesitation, and
saw in the Revolution the dawn of a new era of reason and justice, or
the outburst o