ies, and the great barrier to
the development of industry. The same spirit appeared in purely
political questions. 'Liberty,' as is often remarked, may be interpreted
in two ways; not necessarily consistent with each other. It means
sometimes simply the diminution of the sphere of law and the power of
legislators, or, again, the transference to subjects of the power of
legislating, and, therefore, not less control, but control by self-made
laws alone. The Englishman, who was in presence of no centralised
administrative power, who regarded the Government rather as receiving
power from individuals than as delegating the power of a central body,
took liberty mainly in the sense of restricting law. Government in
general was a nuisance, though a necessity; and properly employed only
in mediating between conflicting interests, and restraining the violence
of individuals forced into contact by outward circumstances. When he
demanded that a greater share of influence should be given to the
people, he always took for granted that their power would be used to
diminish the activity of the sovereign power; that there would be less
government and therefore less jobbery, less interference with free
speech and free action, and smaller perquisites to be bestowed in return
for the necessary services. The people would use their authority to tie
the hands of the rulers, and limit them strictly to their proper and
narrow functions.

The absence, again, of the idea of a state in any other sense implies
another tendency. The 'idea' was not required. Englishmen were concerned
rather with details than with first principles. Satisfied, in a general
way, with their constitution, they did not want to be bothered with
theories. Abstract and absolute doctrines of right, when imported from
France, fell flat upon the average Englishman. He was eager enough to
discuss the utility of this or that part of the machinery, but without
inquiring into first principles of mechanism. The argument from
'utility' deals with concrete facts, and presupposes an acceptance of
some common criterion of the useful. The constant discussion of
political matters in parliament and the press implied a tacit acceptance
on all hands of constitutional methods. Practical men, asking whether
this or that policy shall be adopted in view of actual events, no more
want to go back to right reason and 'laws of nature' than a surveyor to
investigate the nature of geometrical demonstra