on,
so big with mischiefs, of so alarming a nature to this country, and
which I think, notwithstanding what the honourable gentleman has most
ingeniously said, must determine from this very day, who deserves the
character and appellation of a Briton, I hope you will forgive me, if
I take this last opportunity which perhaps I may ever have of speaking
with the freedom of a Briton in this assembly.
I am not able to follow the honourable gentleman in any refinements of
reason upon our foreign affairs; I have not subtilty enough to do it,
nor is it in my way as a private country gentleman. But though country
gentlemen have not that sagacity in business, and, for want of proper
lights being afforded us, the penetration of ministers into publick
affairs; yet give me leave to say, they have one kind of sense which
ministers of state seldom have, and at this time it is of so acute a
nature, that it must, overthrow the arguments of the most refined
administration; this is the sense of feeling the universal distresses
of their country, the utter incapacity it now lies under of sustaining
the heavy burdens that are imposing upon it.
This I take to be the first, the great object of this day's debate.
Consider well your strength at home, before you entangle yourselves
abroad; for if you proceed without a sufficient degree of that, your
retreat will be certain and shameful, and may in the end prove
dangerous. Without this first, this necessary principle, whatever may
be the machinations, the visionary schemes of ministers, whatever
colourings they may heighten them with, to mislead our imaginations,
they will prove in the end for no other purpose, but to precipitate
this nation, by empty captivating sounds, into the private views and
intrigues of some men, so low, perhaps, in reputation and authority,
as to be abandoned to the desperate necessity of founding their ill
possessed precarious power upon the ruins of this country.
Next to the consideration of our inward domestick strength, what
foreign assistances have we to justify this measure? Are we sure of
one positive active ally in the world? Nay, are not we morally certain
that our nearest, most natural ally, disavows the proceeding, and
refuses to cooperate with us? One need not be deep read in politicks
to understand, that when one state separates itself from another, to
which it is naturally allied, it must be for this plain reason, that
the interest is deserted which is
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