, and taking farther to our aid the reasoning of those
gentlemen, who think it a work of such extreme danger, and almost
desperate, the natural and evident conclusion can be only this, that
as we must do it, so we must do it _with the utmost vigour, and with
our whole force_.

We come now to consider, whether the Hanoverian troops should be made
part of that force? There are several considerations previous to the
decision of this question. First, whether they are _as cheap_ as any
other forces we can hire? Then, whether they are _as good_? Next,
whether they are as properly _situated_? And whether they are _as much
to be depended upon_? If, as to every one of these particulars, the
answer must be made in the affirmative, I think it will go very far to
determine the question now before you.

As to the first, _that they are as cheap_, nay, upon the whole, much
cheaper, the estimates now upon your table, notwithstanding any cavil,
do sufficiently demonstrate.

_That they are as good_, what man can doubt, who knows the character
of the German nation? What man can doubt, who knows the attention of
his majesty to military discipline? Those gentlemen can least pretend
to doubt it, who sometimes do not spare reflections upon that
attention which they insinuate to be too great.

That these troops are not properly _situated_, will be hardly asserted
at this time, when they are actually now in Flanders, and now acting
in conjunction with our troops. Let any man consider the map of
Europe, let him observe the seat of the war, and he must evidently
see, that whether their service may be required in Flanders, whether
upon the Rhine, or in the heart of Germany, in every one of these
cases, the Hanoverian forces are _as properly circumstanced and
situated as any troops in Europe_.

It remains in the last place to examine, _whether any other troops can
be better depended upon_; and sure nothing can be more obvious than
that we may rely with more security on these than any other. They are
subjects of the same prince, and of a prince indulgent to all his
subjects, and accused by those who differ in other points from me, of
being partial against the interest of his German dominions. Unless,
therefore, we arraign the first principle upon which a free government
can be supported, and without which every exercise of arbitrary power
would be warranted, we must allow that such a people will be faithful
to such a prince, will defend him wi