o know how far the password allows them
to think.

In this respect, the First Consul's intentions are clear from the
very first day: In his reconstruction of the Institute[6242] he
has suppressed "the division of moral and political sciences," and
consequently the first four sections of this division, "analysis of
sensations and ideas, moral science, social science and legislation,
and political economy." He thus cuts off the main branch with its four
distinct branches, and what he keeps or tolerates he trims and grafts
or fastens on to another branch of the third class, that of the erudites
and antiquaries. The latter may very well occupy themselves with
political and moral sciences but only "in their relations with history,"
and especially with ancient history. General conclusions, applicable
theories, on account of their generality, to late events and to the
actual situation are unnecessary; even as applied to the State in the
abstract, and in the cold forms of speculative discussion, they are
forbidden. The First Consul, on the strength of this, in connection with
"Dernieres vues de politique et de finances, published by Necker, has
set forth his exact rule and his threatening purpose:

"Can you imagine," says he to Roederer, "that any man, since I became
head of the State, could propose three sorts of government for France?
Never shall the daughter of M. Necker come back to Paris!"

She would then get to be a distinct center of political opinion while
only one is necessary, that of the First Consul in his Council of
State. Again, this council itself is only half competent and at best
consultative:

"You yourselves do not know what government is.[6243] You have no idea
of it. I am the only one, owing to my position, that can know what a
government is."

On this sphere, and everywhere on its undefined perimeter, afar, as far
away as his piercing eye can penetrate, no independent way of thinking
must be conceived or, especially, published.

In particular, the foremost and guiding science of the analysis of the
human understanding, pursued according to the methods and after the
examples furnished by Locke, Hume, Condillac and Destutt de Tracy,
ideology is forbidden.

"It is owing to ideology," he says,[6244] "to that metaphysical
obscurity which, employing its subtleties in trying to get at first
causes, seeks to base the legislation of a people on that foundation,
instead of appropriating laws to a knowledge