Germany was in the throes of political concentration that made the
empire. He explains with complacency how another irrepressible conflict
between centre and circumference came and went, and how the welfare of
mankind is better served by the gathering than by the balance or
dispersion of forces. Like Gneist and Tocqueville, he thinks of one
country while he speaks of another; he knows nothing of reticence or
economy in the revelation of private opinion; and he has none of Mr.
Bryce's cheery indulgence for folly and error. But when the British
author refuses to devote six months to the files of Californian
journalism, he leaves the German master of his allotted field.

The actual predominates so much with Mr. Bryce that he has hardly a word
on that extraordinary aspect of democracy, the union in time of war; and
gives no more than a passing glance at the confederate scheme of
government, of which a northern writer said: "The invaluable reforms
enumerated should be adopted by the United States, with or without a
reunion of the seceded States, and as soon as possible." There are
points on which some additional light could be drawn from the roaring
loom of time. In the chapter on Spoils it is not stated that the idea
belongs to the ministers of George III. Hamilton's argument against
removals is mentioned, but not the New York edition of _The Federalist_
with the marginal note that "Mr. H. had changed his view of the
constitution on that point." The French wars of speculation and plunder
are spoken of; but, to give honour where honour is due, it should be
added that they were an American suggestion. In May 1790, Morris wrote
to two of his friends at Paris: "I see no means of extricating you from
your troubles, but that which most men would consider as the means of
plunging you into greater--I mean a war. And you should make it to
yourselves a war of men, to your neighbours a war of money.... I hear
you cry out that the finances are in a deplorable situation. This should
be no obstacle. I think that they may be restored during war better than
in peace. You want also something to turn men's attention from their
present discontents." There is a long and impartial inquiry into
parliamentary corruption as practised now; but one wishes to hear so
good a judge on the report that money prevailed at some of the
turning-points of American history; on the imputations cast by the
younger Adams upon his ablest contemporaries; on the sto