des infallibility and politics,
the Council was to be occupied with the Syllabus, which is in part
directed against maxims of State. The avowed purpose of the Council
being so largely political, the governments could not remain indifferent
to its action; lest they should be driven afterwards to adopt measures
which would be hostile, it would be better at once to seek an
understanding by friendly means and to obtain assurance that all
irritating deliberations should be avoided, and no business touching the
State transacted except in presence of its representatives. He proposed
that the governments should hold a conference to arrange a plan for the
protection of their common interest.

Important measures proposed by small States are subject to suspicion of
being prompted by a greater Power. Prince Hohenlohe, as a friend of the
Prussian alliance, was supposed to be acting in this matter in concert
with Berlin. This good understanding was suspected at Vienna; for the
Austrian Chancellor was more conspicuous as an enemy of Prussia than
Hohenlohe as a friend. Count Beust traced the influence of Count
Bismarck in the Bavarian circular. He replied, on behalf of the Catholic
empire of Austria, that there were no grounds to impute political
objects to the Council, and that repression and not prevention was the
only policy compatible with free institutions. After the refusal of
Austria, the idea of a conference was dismissed by the other Powers; and
the first of the storm clouds that darkened the horizon of infallibility
passed without breaking.

Although united action was abandoned, the idea of sending ambassadors to
the Council still offered the most inoffensive and amicable means of
preventing the danger of subsequent conflict. Its policy or impolicy was
a question to be decided by France. Several bishops, and Cardinal
Bonnechose among the rest, urged the Government to resume its ancient
privilege, and send a representative. But two powerful parties, united
in nothing else, agreed in demanding absolute neutrality. The democracy
wished that no impediment should be put in the way of an enterprise
which promised to sever the connection of the State with the Church. M.
Ollivier set forth this opinion in July 1868, in a speech which was to
serve him in his candidature for office; and in the autumn of 1869 it
was certain that he would soon be in power. The ministers could not
insist on being admitted to the Council, where they were