untry. In this country we are
all one people, and can distinguish ourselves from any other; indeed,
the national character is rather too averse to mixing with people from
the continent; but this, that seems now a fault, may some day be
considered as a very useful virtue.

Even in the times when an unfortunate jealousy and mistaken interest
kept England and Scotland at variance, and when the latter kingdom
was in the habit of adopting the politics of France, and [end of page
#261] embracing its interests, there seems to have been some repelling
principle that kept the little nation out of the gripe of the great one.

The French never had any preponderating power there, and, indeed, in
latter times so little, as not to be able to defend Queen Mary or the
Romish religion against the reformers; to do both of which there was
no want of inclination. It appears, then, very clearly, that though, on
the best terms of friendship, the Scotch had at the bottom that British
mistrust of foreigners, that, ever since it was civilized, has freed the
island from foreign influence.

The form of government, the security of property, and the free scope
that is given to exertion in every line of business, will continue to
enable this country to hold itself high, even if some of its present
sources of wealth should be dried up; and, whatever may be the
feelings of the representatives of the people upon ordinary occasions,
the moment that any real danger occurs, they will, we are certain, act
like men, determined to stand by their country.

How feeble was the former French government when assailed with
difficulty? It was at once as if struck motionless, or, the little
animation that was left was just sufficient to enable it to go from one
blunder to another. How different has England been on every
emergency? In place of the arm of government seeming to slacken in
the day of danger, it has risen superior to it. We have never seen the
same scenes happen here, that have taken place in Poland, Sweden,
and so many other places. In the three attempts to invasion, {202}
(Monmouth's and the two other rebellions,) where foreign influence
was used, the event was the most fatal possible to those who made
them; they were contemptible in the extreme; and, if it is considered in
whose favour they were, it is probable the support from a foreign
power rather did injury to the cause.

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{202} Here we must not confound the case of the Stuarts with that