as I know not what right they have to say that the small
increments effected by the divine workman are not as truly special
as the large. It is remarkable that Butler has taken such hold
both on nonconformists in England and outside of England,
especially on those bodies in America which are descended from
English non-conformists.

He made progress with his writings on the Olympian Religion, without
regard to Acton's warnings and exhortations to read a score of volumes by
learned explorers with uncouth names. He collected a new series of his
_Gleanings_. By 1896 he had got his cherished project of hostel and
library at St. Deiniol's in Hawarden village, near to its launch. He was
drawn into a discussion on the validity of anglican orders, and even wrote
a letter to Cardinal Rampolla, in his effort to realise the dream of
Christian unity. The Vatican replied in such language as might have been
expected by anybody with less than Mr. Gladstone's inextinguishable faith
in the virtues of argumentative persuasion. Soon he saw the effects of
Christian disunion upon a bloodier stage. In the autumn of this year he
was roused to one more vehement protest like that twenty years before
against the abominations of Turkish rule, this time in Armenia. He had
been induced to address a meeting in Chester in August 1895, and now a
year later he travelled to Liverpool (Sept. 24) to a non-party gathering
at Hengler's Circus. He always described this as the place most agreeable
to the speaker of all those with which he was acquainted. "Had I the years
of 1876 upon me," he said to one of his sons, "gladly would I start
another campaign, even if as long as that."

To discuss, almost even to describe, the course of his policy and
proceedings in the matter of Armenia, would bring us into a mixed
controversy affecting statesmen now living, who played an unexpected part,
and that controversy may well stand over for another, and let us hope a
very distant, day. Whether we had a right to interfere single-handed;
whether we were bound as a duty to interfere under the Cyprus Convention;
whether our intervention would provoke hostilities on the part of other
Powers and even kindle a general conflagration in Europe; whether our
severance of diplomatic relations with the Sultan or our withdrawal from
the concert of Europe would do any good; what possible form armed
intervention could take--all these are questions on which both libe