reciprocal; to make us entirely safe. Our security must be put into
the bond and be faithfully preserved. The present _status_ of the
States in the Union is deceptive. If I am to remain in the Union, it
don't suit me. If I am to go into a southern confederacy, it is just
what I should want. Beware, gentlemen of the North! You are cutting
yourselves off from future glory and expansion.

Mr. VANDEVER:--The gentleman from North Carolina wants the distinct
recognition of slavery in the bond. I would like to refer him to the
condition of this question when the Constitution was adopted. The men
of that time would not assert such a position. They did not think it
proper or necessary. If we adopt his views we attempt to sit in
judgment on the men of that day. Mr. CALHOUN understood this matter
perfectly, and in one of his speeches refers to the unwillingness of
the Convention to recognize slavery specifically. The sentiment of
Iowa is that no such recognition ought to be made now. I am opposed to
the amendment.

Mr. SEDDON:--I consider this an important amendment, and a very just
one. The principle upon which we are proceeding is that of partition.
We, with our property are prohibited from going north of the line. The
exact correlative of that would be, that you should be prohibited from
going south with your institutions. That we do not ask. On one side
involuntary servitude is prohibited. On the other we simply ask that
it may be recognized. We give up two-thirds of the territory
altogether. All we ask is protection in the remaining one-third.

What is the meaning of this proposition as it now stands? Who does not
see that its meaning is ambiguous? It requires us to give up
territorial protection, and leaves us with nothing but the shred of a
right protected by the Federal courts. Once more let me tell you, that
in my opinion the South will never consider this a satisfactory
adjustment. You say we are protected by the principles of the common
law. Who can tell what this will amount to? Assuming the territorial
government to be favorable, it could do nothing. You leave it
powerless. Suppose a citizen of Virginia emigrates to the territory
south of the line with his property. He would have no earthly right
except under the laws of Virginia. The power to enforce those laws is
a thousand miles away. If we are to make a partition, let it be a
partition. As the provision stands, it is the unfairest bargain ever
made. It is all