ct. Even if we should settle this great
contention about slavery to-day, other questions might afterward
arise. I am quite prepared to see a claim set up, to what is called
the right of peaceful secession. I would guard against all such
claims. The passage of this resolution would have a beneficial effect
upon the public mind. I think we still have a Government which can
protect itself and the nation. My constituents believe this
preliminary question quite as important as that of protecting slavery
in the Territories.

Mr. RANDOLPH:--I move to lay the resolution introduced by the
gentleman from Iowa, on the table.

Mr. BUTLER:--I want the resolution read again.

Mr. VANDEVER:--Let us all go on to the record. I ask a vote by States.

The resolution was read, and the vote being taken by States, resulted
as follows:

AYES.--Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky,
Missouri, and Ohio--11.

NOES.--Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts,
Connecticut, New York, Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa--9.

So the motion to lay the resolution on the table prevailed.

The PRESIDENT:--The Conference will now proceed to the consideration
of the order of the day. The question is upon the amendment offered
by the gentleman from Iowa, to the substitute for the first section of
the report of the committee, offered by the gentleman from
Pennsylvania.

Mr. HITCHCOCK:--I came into this Conference with the honest and single
purpose of healing the unfortunate differences which now distract the
country, having no sinister ends to answer. That purpose has hitherto
remained unchanged. To accomplish it, there is nothing I will not
sacrifice except principle and honor. I think the amendment of the
gentleman from Iowa is, in substance, just the same as Mr. FRANKLIN'S
substitute. In the one, a fact is implied; in the other, the same fact
is expressed. I understand that neither proposition can command the
support of those gentlemen in the Conference who favor a National
Convention. Neither can the amendment command the approval of the
border slave States. Certainly not all, if it can any of them. The
adoption, then, of this amendment, will operate as a defeat of the
first section of the proposed amendment of the Constitution. Neither
party in this Conference will accept it. While, therefore, I believe
it ought to be accepted--while I believe it amounts