ucational field. The radicals
now entered the sociological and political fields. Women making radical
demands allied themselves with Mrs. Cauer; they befriended her, and
cooperated with her. This is an undisputed fact, though some of these
women later left Mrs. Cauer and allied themselves with either the
"Conservatives" or the "Socialists."
In the organization of trade-unions for women not exclusively of the
middle class, Minna Cauer led the way. In 1889, with the aid of Mr. Julius
Meyer and Mr. Silberstein, she organized the "Commercial and Industrial
Benevolent Society for Women Employees." The society has now 24,000
members. State insurance for private employees is now (1909) a question of
the day.
Jeannette Schwerin founded the information bureau of the Ethical Culture
Society, which furnished girls and women assistants for social work. At
the same time Jeannette Schwerin demanded that women be permitted to act
as poor-law guardians. The agitation in public meetings and legislative
assemblies against the Civil Code was instituted by Dr. Anita Augsburg and
Mrs. Stritt.
The opposition to state regulation of prostitution was begun by the
"radical" Hanna Bieber-Boehm and Anna Pappritz. Lily v. Gikycki was the
first to speak publicly concerning the civic duty of women. The Woman's
Suffrage Society was organized in 1901 by Mrs. Cauer, Dr. Augsburg, Miss
Heymann, and Dr. Schirmacher.
In 1894 the radical section of the "German Federation of Women's Clubs"
proposed that women's trade-unions be admitted to the Federation. This
radical section had often given offense to the "Conservatives"--in the
Federation, for instance--by the proposal of this measure; but the
radicals in this way have stimulated the movement. As early as 1904 the
Berlin Congress of the International Council of Women had shown that the
Federation, being composed chiefly of conservative elements, should adopt
in its programme all the demands of the radicals, including woman's
suffrage. The differences between the Radicals and the Conservatives are
differences of personality rather than of principles. The radicals move to
the time of _allegro_; the conservatives to the time of _andante_. In all
public movements there is usually the same antagonism; it occurred also in
the English and the American woman's rights movements.
In no other country (with the exception of Belgium and Hungary) is the
schism between the woman's rights movement of the middle c
|