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ucational field. The radicals now entered the sociological and political fields. Women making radical demands allied themselves with Mrs. Cauer; they befriended her, and cooperated with her. This is an undisputed fact, though some of these women later left Mrs. Cauer and allied themselves with either the "Conservatives" or the "Socialists." In the organization of trade-unions for women not exclusively of the middle class, Minna Cauer led the way. In 1889, with the aid of Mr. Julius Meyer and Mr. Silberstein, she organized the "Commercial and Industrial Benevolent Society for Women Employees." The society has now 24,000 members. State insurance for private employees is now (1909) a question of the day. Jeannette Schwerin founded the information bureau of the Ethical Culture Society, which furnished girls and women assistants for social work. At the same time Jeannette Schwerin demanded that women be permitted to act as poor-law guardians. The agitation in public meetings and legislative assemblies against the Civil Code was instituted by Dr. Anita Augsburg and Mrs. Stritt. The opposition to state regulation of prostitution was begun by the "radical" Hanna Bieber-Boehm and Anna Pappritz. Lily v. Gikycki was the first to speak publicly concerning the civic duty of women. The Woman's Suffrage Society was organized in 1901 by Mrs. Cauer, Dr. Augsburg, Miss Heymann, and Dr. Schirmacher. In 1894 the radical section of the "German Federation of Women's Clubs" proposed that women's trade-unions be admitted to the Federation. This radical section had often given offense to the "Conservatives"--in the Federation, for instance--by the proposal of this measure; but the radicals in this way have stimulated the movement. As early as 1904 the Berlin Congress of the International Council of Women had shown that the Federation, being composed chiefly of conservative elements, should adopt in its programme all the demands of the radicals, including woman's suffrage. The differences between the Radicals and the Conservatives are differences of personality rather than of principles. The radicals move to the time of _allegro_; the conservatives to the time of _andante_. In all public movements there is usually the same antagonism; it occurred also in the English and the American woman's rights movements. In no other country (with the exception of Belgium and Hungary) is the schism between the woman's rights movement of the middle c
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