without English aid, would find it difficult
to resist or punish the insurgents. The most painful and least
creditable feature in the history of the United States is the apathy
with which for thirty years the Northern States tolerated Southern
lawlessness, and even now indirectly support Southern oppression.

2nd.--If Colonial independence would be found in Ireland inconsistent
with the protection of England's interests and with the discharge of
England's duties, it would also fail to produce the one result which
would be an adequate compensation for many probable or certain
evils--namely, the extinction of Irish discontent.

It is by no means certain, indeed, that Colonial independence would be
accepted with genuine acquiescence by any class of Irishmen. Certainly
the demand for Grattan's Parliament lends no countenance to the
supposition that the people of Ireland would accept with satisfaction a
political arrangement which is absolutely opposed in its character to
the Constitution of 1782.[48] Suppose, however, for the sake of
argument, that the Irish leaders and the Irish people accepted the offer
of Colonial independence; we may be well assured that this acceptance
would not produce good-will towards England, and this not from the
perversity of the Irish nature, of which we hear a great deal too much,
but from difficulties in the nature of things, of which we hear a great
deal too little. The restrictions on the authority of the Irish
Parliament would, one cannot doubt, be, as safeguards for the authority
of the Imperial Government, absolutely illusory. But they would be
intensely irritating. Irish leaders would wish, and from their own point
of view rightly wish, to carry through a revolutionary policy. The
Imperial Government would attempt, and from an English point of view
rightly attempt, to arrest revolution. Every considerable legislative
measure would give ground for negotiation and for understandings--that
is, for dissatisfaction and for misunderstanding. There would be
disputes about the land laws, disputes about the army, disputes about
the police, disputes about the authority of Imperial legislation,
disputes about the validity of Irish enactments, disputes about appeals
to the Privy Council. To say that all these sources of irritation might
embitter the relation between England and Victoria, and that, as they do
not habitually do so, one may infer that they will not embitter the
relation between Engla