7, October 2, 5, 10, 12, 15 and 18, 1883.

[45] See Todd, 'Parliamentary Government in the Colonies,' p. 283.

[46] Todd, p. 283.

[47] See, e.g., a letter by Mr. Lecky in the _Times_ of January 13,
1886.

[48] See pp. 221, 222, _post._

[49] See a letter in the _Spectator_ of January 2, 1886, on 'Home Rule
or Separation,' by Mr. J. Cotter Morison.

[50] See p. 197, _ante._

[51] _The Times_, May 5, 1886.

[52] Under the political arrangements connecting the two countries, it
was practically impossible that the two crowns could by legal means be
separated without the assent of the English Parliament. George III. was
necessarily a member both of the English and of the Irish Parliaments;
and it is inconceivable that as King of Ireland he should have assented
to a bill passed by the Irish Houses of Parliament which was strenuously
opposed by the English Houses of Parliament. The madness of the King
raised a case not provided for by the Constitution, and the accidental
difference of opinion between the English and Irish Houses of
Parliament, as to the Regency, has been treated as possessing more
importance than from a constitutional point of view belonged to it.

[53] See Appendix for the Government of Ireland Bill. It is there
printed in extenso. The clauses which mainly concern the points
discussed in the following pages are printed in italics. Readers who
wish to understand my comments on the Gladstonian Constitution, should
study the Bill itself. I am anxious to call attention to its words,
because I am quite aware that on more than one point the interpretation
put by me upon its provisions will be disputed by supporters of Mr.
Gladstone's policy. My interpretation is, I believe, sound, but it would
be unfair not to give my readers the opportunity of judging for
themselves as to its soundness.

[54] Criticism of particular provisions was made the easier by the fact
that hesitations of statesmanship betrayed themselves throughout the
Bill in blunders of draughtsmanship. The very heading of the Bill is a
misdescription, and involves confusion of ideas. The expressions "status
of the Crown," "Executive Government," "Imperial Parliament," are from a
legal point of view open to severe criticism; and the substitution of
the name "Irish legislature" or "Legislature of Ireland" for the plain
intelligible term Irish Parliament, involves something like political
cowardice. For errors of this kind, though in one sense